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John Dow MacGregor in Balquhidder
By Peter Lawrie, ©2001

Loch Voil, Balquhidder The following notes in the Rev. William MacGregor-Stirling’s 1817 edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire related to John Dow (Iain dubh) MacGregor, at Stronvar in Balquhidder, as recorded by the Rev. Alexander MacGregor, minister of Balquhidder.

MacGregor-Stirling subsequently undertook, in 1822, the compilation of a history of the Clan Gregor, for Sir Evan Murray MacGregor.  The work, which had the assistance and cooperation of Mr. Donald Gregory, was not ready for publication at the time of Mr. MacGregor-Stirling’s death in 1833. [1]  

Their manuscript research notes, comprising 491 folio pages, formed a principal source for AG Murray MacGregor’s 1898 History of Clan Gregor, (referred to in this article as Amelia). Comparison of the 1817 notes with Amelia and other more recent work demonstrate a number of discrepancies with the 1817 account.


It should be noted that the Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine families does not mention John or any other MacGregor as their baillie in Balquhidder in 1602. This account is therefore presented as being possible and of interest but uncorroborated. Sheila MacGregor considered that MacGregor-Stirling had invented it all.

From: History of Stirlingshire [2] .
“Sir John Murray, 12th Lord of Tullibardin was in 1592 appointed Master of the King’s Household; on the 15th April 1604, created Lord Murray of Tullibardin; and, on the 10th of July 1606, 1st Earl of Tullibardine. John had by Catherine, daughter of David, 2nd Lord Drummond,  … 4 sons, 4 daughters …  and a 5th daughter [married] to John MacGregor.” 

“John MacGregor, descriptively named Glas, ie ‘wan’ inhabited, before 1602, Innis-Mhic-Ghrighoir, or ‘Isle of MacGregor’ (also called ‘Geata ‘n tuim bhain’), at the southeast extremity of Loch Voil in Balquhidder. The foundation of his castle, 20 feet wide and 66 long, existed within the memory of persons still alive (in 1817). It was defended by a ditch 6 yards wide and drawbridge. John Fergusson at Stronvar recollects the piers of the bridge. The ditch was filled up 55 years ago (approx 1762) with part of the stones of the fortress. The rest of the stones were, this year (1817), used for a wall on the land-side of the island.

John Glas MacGregor was proprietor of the following lands, Stronvar, Glenbucky, Gartnafuaran, Letchrich, Craigrich, Monachoil-Mor, Monachoil-Beg, Imerioch (now Newton), Invercharnaig, Inverlochlarig-Mor and all pertinents, Drumlich, Blarcrich. Invernenty, Monachoiltuarach, Murlaggan. The yearly value was 200 merks. By his lady, he had two sons, Gregor and John. Sir John Murray, after the battle of Glenfruin, in which his son in law had borne an active part (and died there), fetched home his daughter and grandchildren, and took possession of the abovementioned lands for their support. Gregor assumed the name of Alexander and surname of Murray.

Such is the tradition as it has recently been collected from John Fergusson, aged 60, born on the lands of Stronvar, close to Innis Mhic Ghrighoir, and who has lived there from infancy. We have not been able to ascertain the point but it seems most highly probable to us that John Glas was the younger brother of Alexander MacGregor of Glenstrae. Fergusson (according to what he has heard) says, that John was the Chief of the Clan, and commanded at Glenfruin. In this he is mistaken, as the then undoubted Chief was Alexander of Glenstrae.  John is represented by Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstoun, as the principal in that quarrel with the Laird of Luss that led to the mediation by his elder brother, and the spirited resistance by both, and their followers, of an unexpected and treacherous onset by a force four times their number. (History of the Earldom of Sutherland, p246). John MacGregor was slain at Glenfruin, a circumstance corresponding to the foregoing narrative. His birth entitled him to such an alliance. Fergusson says that he is uncertain regarding the name of John Glas’s lady, but that, so far as he recollects it was Sarah.”
The following lines are from the Edinchip papers and published in Amelia :- “By MacGregor’s Bard at ye Battle of Glenfroon on seeing Lindsay of Bosville fall on the side of the Colquhouns and by Colquhoun’s Bard on seeing John, brother of the Laird of MacGregor fall by the hands of McLintoch. [3] The Gaelic spelling has been modernised:-
  Tighearna Bhunolla,
Cris olla mi chliaheamh
Bu chiar dubh fuil a’ choin
Am poll-moine na laidh.
 Lord of Bunolla
And a woollen belt about his sword
Dark was the black blood of a dog,
In a peat hag lying.
  ‘s tapaidh thug thu’n tionndadh ort,
Mhic an Leanndaig oig;
Thuit Iain dubh nan Luireach,
Mac ur Mhic Ghriogair mhoir. 		 Quickly you gave a turn
Young McLintoch
You gave a wound to Black John of the coat of mail
The fresh son of MacGregor.

Iain dubh nan Lurag, ‘Black John of the Mail-coat’, was brother to Laird MacGregour. In 1602, “The said Johnne MacGregour being in his own cradak in a rowme that he haldis of the Laird of Tullibardin. [4] ” [cradak – fort on a artificial island, cf. crannog; rowme – estate; haldis – holds as feudal vassal.]
John actually married a daughter of John Murray of Strowan, a kinsman of Sir John Murray of Tullibardine, by whom he left three sons. 1. Gregor, in the custody of Sir John Moray of Tullibardine after his father’s death and on whom devolved the succession to his uncle, Alasdair of Glenstray. 2. Patrick of whom the Laird of Grant had charge. (The Laird of Grant was married to Lilias, a daughter of Tullibardine). 3. Ewin, of whom John Murray of Strowan, his maternal grandfather was answerable. [5]

“1604. Feb. 10. Ane (royall) Lre: maid to James Murray fear of Strowane his aires and assignaries of the gift of the eschete of all guidis geir & ; quhilkis pertenit of before to vmqle : Johnne Dow Mcgregour broyer germane to vmqle Alester Mcgregour of Glenstrae the tyme of his deceis. And now pertening to our Soverane Lord - thrw being of the said vmqle, Johnne Dow Mcgregour ordourly denuncit rebell - for not finding cautioun and souirtie of his Mr. and landlordis gif he ony had that war sufficient. And for failzing yairof vyer responsall personis that ha and all sic personis yat ar oblist to ansuer for be ye lawis of yis realme, actis of Parliament, and general Band sould keip his Maj, peax, gude reul and quyetnes And sould not invaid, truble, oppres, nor persew his hienes subjectis in yair persones, landis, &a. - Register of the Privy Seal.” [6]

The above simply grants the movable property and lands of Iain dubh to James Murray, fiar of Strowan, a grandson of John Murray of Strowan, and aged just 18 in 1604. This was a device, presumably with the approval of Tullibardine, the superior, to retain the lands for the benefit of John Dow’s widow and sons who continued to reside in Stronvar castle, including Gregor, the 12th of Glenstrae who used the alias John Murray (not Alexander).
In 1598 John Dow was referred to as ‘pretendit occupair of the five merkland of Glenbaich and two and a half merkland of Mekill Stronvair’ [7] .  As John left three very young children in 1603, he may have married in 1598/99 with the approval of Tullibardine. John was commonly known as Iain dubh, not Iain glas. Dubh means dark but glas means wan or grey, it seems unlikely that the same person is being referred to unless he had aged terribly and Iain dubh was only 33 at the time of Glenfruin and this may be an error by Fergusson. Tullibardine would probably appoint a tacksman to manage the lordship, and if this person married either his or a kindred Murray’s daughter, then it is possible that some part of the lordship might be provided on ‘liferent’ as dowry. It is certainly the case, borne out by repeated references in Amelia [8] , that Tullibardine, as Lord of Balquhidder acted as surety under the General Band for many MacGregors around 1600, including Alasdair of Glenstrae and his brother, John. In 1599 a complaint by the Laird of Menzies cites Johnne Dow McWilliame alias McGregour as a ‘household man’ of the Laird of Tullibardine. This Johnne Dow is not the same person, but Tullibardine does appear elsewhere as a ‘resetter’ of ClanGregor, whom he clearly favoured. [9]

In 1601, John dow was being considered a suitable individual to become part of Elizabeth I’s forces in Ireland. Here is a transcript of the letter which includes reference to him: Roger Aston [Gentleman of the King’s Bedchamber] to Henry Lok [poet and sometime agent for Elizabeth I] Nov 7 1601 - “Upon the motion made by Mr Nicolson the King [James VI of Scotland] is most willing to employ what forces her Majesty [Elizabeth 1 of England] shall think convenient for her service in Ireland and only men, but what men she shall make choice of to be best answerable for the discharge of that service. The King is presently advising some of his Council what men are fittest and of best trust to undertake that service… There is another thought very meet, a younger brother of Macgregor [John dow], a very brave and expert man for those services.”
From: History of Stirlingshire. [10]
“The Lordship of Balquhidder .... as appearing from charters, had since 1482 been enjoyed by the Morays of Tullibardine, whose representative, Sir William, obtained a charter of it from James III, which James IV confirmed in 1492. Sir William’s descendant, John, 2nd Marquis of Atholl, was on the 30th June 1703, created Duke of Atholl, and, amongst other titles, Viscount Balquhidder. The Lordship of Balquhidder was lately purchased, from the present Duke, by Sir John MacGregor Murray, Baronet, of Lanrick and Balquhidder, eldest nephew and male heir of Robert MacGregor Murray of Glencarnaig, and son of Evan MacGregor Murray.”

William, the 2nd Earl of Tullibardine, married Dorothea Stewart, daughter of the 5th Stewart Earl of Atholl. On the death in 1625 of the last Stewart Earl, William petitioned Charles I for the earldom of Atholl by right of his wife. William died in 1626, so his son John succeeded, in 1629, as the 1st of the Murray Earls of Atholl, while William’s younger brother Patrick became Earl of Tullibardine. The two Earldoms were reunited in 1670 in the hands of John, 2nd Earl of Atholl and 1st Marquis of Tullibardine, thus bringing the Balquhidder lands into the Atholl regality [11] .
From the 14th century Balquhidder had been divided between the barony and larger lordship of Balquhidder. The barony included farms occupied by some members of Clan Labhran [12] and lay north of the river Balvaig along the modern road to part way along Loch Voil. The remainder of the glen comprised the lordship, including Glenbuckie, and was for much of the 15th and 16th centuries crown estate under the stewardship of Tullibardine or, more often, Lord Drummond. In the Great Seal Register is an entry dated January 1482 to Sir William Moray of Tullibardine creating him ‘super officiis Senescallatus, Forestarii et Coronatoris, infra comitatum de Straitherne et dominium de Bouquiddir, cum foedis et proficuis’ [13] Roughly translated he was made the steward, king’s forester and coroner of the crown estate comprising the earldom of Strathearn and lordship of Balquhidder.

The first reference to William Stewart of Baldorran in the Great Seal Register is as a witness to a charter to ‘Patricii Maknab de Bovane in baronia de Glendochard’ dated 1486. [14] There are no charters under the great seal to Stewart of Baldorran, ancestor of the Stewarts of Glenbuckie, who acted as baillie of Balquhidder in 1490 [15] but there are exchequer roll grants by the crown. 

In 1536 [16] and 1542 [17] , Lord Drummond received charters including the same terms ‘senescalli, coronatoris et forestarii de Straitherne, Glenartnay et Balquhiddir’. 

In 1547 the lordship of Balquhidder was granted to Lord Methven [18] and in 1564, Queen Mary confirmed ‘Jonete Stewart, domine Methven, sponse Patricii domini Ruthven’ (spouse of Patrick Lord Ruthven) in the lordship of Balquhidder. [19] The 3rd Lord Ruthven died without heirs and the lordship of Balquhidder was resumed as crown estate under the stewardship of Lord Drummond in 1582 [20] .

James VI granted the lordship of Balquhidder to Lord Tullibardine in 1587 [21] as security for a loan of 4000 merks to ‘D. Joannes Murray de Tullibardin, miles … terras er dominium de Balquhiddir, … Inverlochlarig, Eister et Westir Drumlycht, Inverchernage, Innereache, Monochoille-moir, Monochoill-dischart, Craigrowie, Leidcreicht, Innerewin, Monochoill-Twarach, Garrathy, Gartnaforrow, Stronslanye, Murlagane, Stronwar, Mekill et Litill Dallinlagane, Leanach, Invernantie, Dalquhappak, Craigintulzie, Craigintore, Ardbeych, Glenbeych, Carnlea, Dalweych, Glenogill, Achra, Innerambill, Asblair, Udenambill, Glenambill, Garsplace-of-Daleambill, Quarteron, Latir, Auchinvavie, Ballivoir, Ballivilling’. [22] A subsequent charter of 1591 to Sir John granted ‘liberum dominium de Balquhidder, ut unica sasina &c, (ut in carta 1325)’ [23] – that is the crown lands of Balquhidder, previously given as loan security were granted in free barony, being alienated from the crown estates.

ClanLabhran tenants expanded into the lordship of Balquhidder (as distinct from the barony) as vassals of Tullibardine but paid their feudal dues reluctantly [24] .  Members of Clann Labhran had no charter to any of the lands they occupied [25] .

Following the forfeiture of the Albany Stewarts in 1424, the lordship of Balquhidder was retained by the crown and in 1446 assigned to Sir Andrew Stewart [26] .

Farms occupied by Clann Labhran in the barony at the start of the 16th century were Achleskine, Tulloch, Lembar, Lichnascridan, Kirkton, Achtow, Cuilt and Drumness [27] . These lands formed part of the barony of Craigy in 1511, confirmed in a charter of 1541 [28] , and in 1558, Ros of Craigy sold them to Lord Drummond [29] and their ownership remained in the Drummond family until forfeiture in 1746 [30] .

Duncan Ladosach raided Balquhidder in 1542, killing 27 MacLarens [31] . In 1558 MacGregors from Glen Dochart again attacked ClanLabhran in Balquhidder and took possession of 18 farms, presumably in the lordship [32] . The chief of ClanLabhran gave his bond of manrent to Glenorchy in 1559 [33] .

It is interesting to speculate, as a consequence of the vicious war, beginning in 1550, between ClanGregor and Grey Colin Campbell of Glenorchy whether (a) Clan Gregor lineages displaced from their lands elsewhere had no choice but to grab what they could in Balquhidder, or (b), in the light of Glenorchy’s obtaining the manrent of the chief of Clann Labhran, no doubt aiming, as he had achieved by similar tactics elsewhere, at the superiority of the barony of Balquhidder, the whole scheme had been more typical of the pre-1550 co-operative expansion by ClanGregor and ClanCampbell. In 1604 John McCoul Chere (Mac Dubhgall Ciar) and other MacGregors were tried (and acquitted) for the 1558 slaughter [34] . His name indicated that he was a member of the lineage already settled in Glen Gyle and upper Balquhidder. In 1559 Malcolm McCoul Chere in Balquhidder appeared as a witness and also signed his own bond of manrent with Glenorchy [35] .  By 1558 Glenorchy appeared to have defeated the most intransigent members of the leaderless ClanGregor and was in the process of drawing many of its members into allegiance to him by bonds of manrent.

In summary, so far, a Laird of Tullibardine became steward of the crown lands of the lordship of Balquhidder in 1482. However, William Stewart of Baldorran also acted as crown baillie. In 1536 and 1547 Lord Drummond had stewardship of the lordship. Thereafter the lordship of Balquhidder was granted to Lord Methven, whose daughter married Patrick, Lord Ruthven and brought Balquhidder as dowry. Lord Drummond purchased the barony, including the farms occupied by Clann Labhran, from John Ros in 1558. The raid by the MacGregors appears to have been subsequent to this grant and may have been instigated by Grey Colin Campbell of Glen Orchy, who, perhaps, had wanted the barony for himself.. The raid was quickly followed by MacLarens giving their bonds of manrent to Glenorchy. After Ruthven’s death, the lordship was granted to Tullibardine, becoming his ‘in free barony’ in 1591. 

There is nothing inconsistent between the description of ‘John Glas’ as proprietor of lands in Balquhidder in the first extract and in Balquhidder having ‘been enjoyed by the Morays of Tullibardine’. Feudal tenure of land was based on the relationship of vassal and superior. A vassal could in turn be the superior of subordinate vassals. Tenants-in-chief held their lands of the crown but could sub-infeudate part or all of their lands to their vassals. Subject to feudal duties and obligations of service to the superior, the possession of the vassal could be heritable and transferable.  It can be likened to leasehold in perpetuity, provided the conditions continued to be met, with renewal by the heirs and with a ‘rent’ originally in service rather than money. By the 16th century the medieval system of feudal military service had become obsolete and had been largely commuted into a rental of money or goods under the system known as feu-ferme. Feudal tenure was not inconsistent with the vassal being described as proprietor.

If the ‘Lordship of Balquhidder had anciently belonged to the MacGregors’ there is no evidence of the truth of this, how they obtained it and whether they had been in vassalage to any other Lords. It may not be inconsistent with Martin MacGregor’s thesis [36] of ClanGregor expansion into, and occupation of, lands in Perthshire as client kindred of the Glen Orchy Campbell lineage. The Clann Dubhgall Ciar lineage of ClanGregor may have occupied part of the upper reaches of Balquhidder, as well as Glen Gyle at some point in the late 15th or early 16th century. The charter of James III to the Tullibardine family was typical of many in that it awarded the superiority to a favoured family with little or no local following. Such a scenario did not necessarily lead to conflict, unless the superior attempted to dispossess and replace the actual occupiers. It would be more normal to accept the occupiers as tenants or perhaps grant them a charter of the lands that they possessed which expressed their relationship of vassal to superior. Most lords who were granted lands that they did not already possess as head of a kindred were anxious to obtain the personal service of the vassals that they had acquired by charter.
n 16th century Scotland it was common to issue bonds of manrent to emphasize the personal nature of service between a Lord and his ‘Man’ as opposed to the strictly land-based feudal tie between superior and vassal. Manrent obligations were often for life, although some were drawn up for specific circumstances or term of years. Manrent, unlike feudal obligations were rarely heritable, unless specified in the bond. Some bonds have survived and are discussed by Jenny Wormald. [37] Although a large number of Glenorchy’s bonds have survived there are none by Tullibardine to confirm any relationship with MacGregors in Balquhidder. The Gaelic practice of giving calp (literally a promise to bequeath one’s best cow to one’s chief, in exchange for support and often, but not always, land for maintenance) had similarities to manrent, in that it was a personal bond of mutual obligations between chief and follower, but calp was based on real or assumed kinship, whereas manrent did not assume kinship, although many bonds of manrent were made between heads of families and their subordinate kin. Grey Colin and Black Duncan of Glenorchy in particular used manrent to establish relationships with unrelated supporters in order to establish support on the ground in their newly acquired possessions. Manrent tended to create military alliances that might be disapproved of, but at least they had the sanction of the legal establishment. Calp was a traditional bond in Gaelic society that the Government tried hard to suppress in the early 17th century.
ClanGregor settlers in Balquhidder, in the absence of any one able to remove them, were able to occupy land and reduce any existing population into their service. The ‘slaughter’ of 1558, may have included MacLarens that had settled, perhaps without consent of the feudal superior, in the Lordship, providing further opportunities for MacGregor settlement. It is no more than speculation, but it may be possible that Lords Drummond or Methven used ClanGregor to clear unwelcome settlement by MacLarens from land that ClanLabhran considered their own by right of descent from the Earls of Strathearn. Subsequently, Tullibardine may have favoured ClanGregor for the same reason, with the Castle at Stronvar usefully situated in close proximity to the barony tenanted by ClanLabhran. For ClanGregor, such friends were useful in their struggle with Glenorchy.
Marriage links tended to confirm relationships and created actual kinship links in future generations. The marriage between John Dow MacGregor and one of the Murray kindred is quite typical of this pattern. However, a reason suggested for the ferocity of the proscription of ClanGregor after 1603 is the clan’s lack of support in Government. On the contrary this evidence suggests strong kinship links with the Murrays and the children of John Dow appeared to benefit from this, with Gregor taking the alias John Murray, (not Alexander).  According to Amelia, Tullibardine assisted Gregor in establishing himself as chief of ClanGregor after the execution of Alasdair in 1604. This Gregor finally resigned Glen Strae to Glenorchy in 1624.

The lands that Fergusson claimed to be possessed by John include the whole of the lordship of Balquhidder from Monachyle Tuarach on Loch Doine westwards. Stronvar, Gartnafuaran, Glenbuckie and Immeroin and Muirlaggan on the southern shore of Loch Voil and Glen Buckie. It is possible that John held Glenbeich and Stronvar by charter from Tullibardine, but exercised temporary stewardship, on behalf of Sir John, for the rest. The archivist at Blair Castle was unable to find documentary evidence of this, but admitted that the surviving records for the period are incomplete. Fergusson’s account does demonstrate the fallibility of oral tradition, although the gist is there, many of the details are inaccurate.
The commonly accepted view of our clan in 1603 is of a group of broken, landless men or caterans looking backwards to the mythical past and fighting, against all odds, a rapidly modernising Scottish state. That sits uneasily with the marriage of John Dow MacGregor into a senior family of the Murray kindred. Tullibardine fostered Gregor, preserved the lands that his father held for his maintenance, and supported him as Chief of a clan that had been ostensibly abolished by Act of Parliament. Frequent inter-marriages of ClanGregor elite husbands with Campbell brides from the 14th century onwards are known although they do not appear to have brought much fortune in their wake. How many marriages by the elite of ClanGregor, particularly females, into other elite families occurred and to what extent can this explain the reset and protection, such as that in Strath Ardle, that enabled our ancestors to survive proscription?
 

References:

[1] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p2

[2] Rev. William MacGregor Stirling (Ed), 2nd edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, republished in Stirling, 1817, page 459

[3] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p308

[4] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p307

[5] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p308

[6] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p312

[7] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p231

[8] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000,

[9] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p232

[10] Rev. William MacGregor Stirling (Ed), 2nd edition of Nimmo’s History of Stirlingshire, republished in Stirling, 1817, page 706

[11] William Anderson, The Scottish Nation … and Biographical History of the People of Scotland, Edinburgh. 1869

[12] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p42

[13] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol II, 1424-1513, Edinburgh, 1984, p322, 1540

[14] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol II, 1424-1513, Edinburgh, 1984, p351, 1668

[15] Elizabeth Beauchamp, The Braes of Balquhidder, Glasgow, 1981, p27

[16] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p348, 1560

[17] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p656, 2825

[18] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p39

[19] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol IV, 1546-1580, Edinburgh, 1984, p364, 1568

[20] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p136, 439

[21] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p51, Tullibardine was a court favourite and was appointed master of the household. The King’s gratitude to him was due to Tullibardine’s participation in the rescue of the King from the Earl of Gowrie.

[22] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p455, 1325

[23] J M Thomson (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol V, 1580-1593, Edinburgh, 1984, p654, 1939

[24] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p41, When Tullibardine sent a peremptory demand for his feudal dues to be sent by the swiftest messenger available, the MacLarens tied a bag with a few coins in it around the neck of a buck and sent it on its way over the hill.

[25] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p38

[26] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p39

[27] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p44

[28] J B Paul (Ed), The Register of the Great Seal of Scotland, Vol III, 1513-1546, Edinburgh, 1984, p560, 2448

[29] James Stewart, The Settlements of Western Perthshire, Edinburgh, 1990, p35

[30] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p44

[31] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p47

[32] Margaret MacLaren’s The MacLarens – A History of Clan Labhran, p48,

[33] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985, p213

[34] AG Murray MacGregor, The History of Clan Gregor, Edinburgh, 1898, reprinted 2000, p117

[35] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985, p213

[36] M D MacGregor, A Political History of Clan Gregor before 1571, Unpublished PhD thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1989

[37] Jenny Wormald, Lords and Men in Scotland, Edinburgh, 1985